Chile votes for a new progressive constitution, but for many Chileans the changes are moving too fast

What makes this Chilean constitutional referendum so special?

Constitutions are often rewritten in Latin America, but usually an authoritarian president participates. In Chile, the people have the last word on Sunday on a text written by a committee of elected officials.

The 388 new constitutional articles are intended to replace the old constitution of 1980, a text which has been amended several times since, but which remains essentially from the dictatorship of General Augusto Pinochet. The soldier who forcibly put an end to the left-wing government of President Salvador Allende on September 11, 1973, transformed Chile into a neoliberal country with an open economy, as prosperous as it is unequal.

The question posed to the 19 million Chileans on Sunday: do you want an entirely new foundation under your society? The first article of the new text describes Chile as “a social and democratic, plurinational, intercultural, regional and ecological state of law”.

It seems awake.

And that’s all. In the new Chile envisioned, neoliberalism gives way to a very committed state that guarantees a long list of rights: education, health care, social security, physical exercise, housing, food, water, energy. Not only does the new constitution remove the liberal thinking that Pinochet imposed on the country, but it is also a radical shift towards a progressive, postmodern future.

In the old constitution, the family is the “nucleus of society” and the government is at the service of the “maximum spiritual and material realization” of the individual. The new Chile becomes “inclusive”, recognizes “families in various forms” and works for the rights of (among others) women, indigenous minorities, sexual minorities, people with disabilities, prisoners and the elderly. Nature also has rights in the new text.

How did Chile get here?

It all started with an amount of 30 Chilean pesos (about 4 euro cents). In October 2019, the then government of right-wing president Sebastián Piñera announced that metro tickets would be 30 pesos more expensive. Seemingly little money, but for many Chileans it was yet another right-wing move that affected the majority and intimidated the wealthy.

The measure turned out to be a spark in a dry heap of discontent. Demonstrations against rising prices quickly turned into large popular protests against the Chilean model, against unequal access to education, health care and pensions, against a system in which even water has been privatized . “Chile has woken up!” echoed the street. After six months of fierce protests, President Piñera gave in to an important desire of the protest movement: a new constitution.

He organized a referendum asking whether the old text should be replaced. During this election, at the end of 2020, Chilean youth once again made their voices heard. Half the electorate ran, but 80% of that half voted yes. They also left their mark on the Constitutional Commission, a society of 154 members, including 17 indigenous people and made up of an equal number of men and women.

Will the youngsters also win the final battle on Sunday?

Since the 2019 protests, progressive Chileans have recorded an impressive streak of victories. Not only did they force the writing of a new constitution, but in December they also elected Chile’s youngest and most left-wing president since Allende. Gabriel Boric, 36, began his political career as a leader of left-wing student movements.

But that winning streak could end on Sunday. Polls predict that a majority of Chileans will say: the changes are going too fast for us. In recent months, the counter-campaign has successfully hammered home the danger the new constitution would pose to the Chilean economy, how the minority rights text eats away at traditional values ​​and how the country risks falling prey to division. In particular, the proposed “multi-nationality”, with self-government for indigenous peoples, met with fierce resistance. Chile is being divided, say opponents.

What happens if the new constitution is rejected?

The polls may be wrong. The percentage of skeptics is significant and the fact that the ballot boxes are this time (exceptionally) obligatory makes the outcome difficult to predict. In anticipation of a defeat, President Boric has already announced that after a “no”, the search for a new constitution will continue. This gave a boost to the counter-campaign, which was able to emphasize that a vote against is just as much a vote for change.